第二次长征——中国改革三十年
China's reforms
The second Long March
Dec 11th 2008
From The Economist print edition
中国已经通过邓小平在30年前主导的改革下有了许多改观，但最大胆的一步还不敢迈出。
China has been transformed by the changes ushered in by Deng Xiaoping 30 years ago. But the biggest step has yet to be dared.
"恩格斯从未坐过飞机，斯大林也没穿过涤纶衣服"。因此，中国后来的领导人邓小平在30年前召开的一次会议现在被官方视为其经济政治改革的起点。邓小平的话意味着毛泽东式的教条思想已经落伍了，而实用主义才是时代潮流。历经巨变的中国目前正在庆祝改革开放30周年。但尽管中国官方将其一系列成就归功于该国的"改革开放"政策——只有不到200万公民生活在贫困中，现在该国GDP占全球的6%，而1978年只占1.8%，粮食产量增长了70%左右——但他们脑中更多地在考虑世界金融危机，他们的领导人正忙于未竟的各项生意。
"ENGELS never flew on an aeroplane; Stalin never wore Dacron." Thus China's late leader, Deng Xiaoping, to a meeting 30 years ago that is now officially seen as the starting-point of his economic and political reforms. Deng's words meant Maoist dogma was out and pragmatism was in. A dramatically transformed China is now commemorating the anniversary. But even as officials trot out a litany of achievements they attribute to the country's "reform and opening" policy—200m fewer citizens living in poverty, a 6% share of global GDP compared with 1.8% in 1978, a nearly 70% increase in grain production—the world's financial crisis weighs heavily on their minds, and their leaders are struggling with unfinished business.
据悉，国家副主席习近平（貌似国家主席胡锦涛的接班人）已被任命为庆典活动的首席组织者，大量的音乐会、展览和无休止的演讲将会用于庆祝这个国家历史上的"转折点"。当时，邓小平从毛泽东接班人的手中获得了更高权力。他在1978年11月和12月的两次会议上取得了胜利。第一个会议是为期一月的中共中央"工作会议"，这个会议大概是历史上同类会议中最活跃的（据一些西方学者的研究，邓小平提到了涤纶）。此后是一个更文本化、更正式的全体会议。
Vice-President Xi Jinping, heir-apparent to President Hu Jintao, is said to have been appointed chief organiser of the celebration programme. It includes concerts, exhibitions and endless speeches celebrating the "turning point" in China's history when Deng gained the upper hand over the Maoists. His victory was evident at two meetings held in November and December 1978. The first was a month-long "work conference" of the Communist Party's Central Committee, probably the liveliest gathering of its kind ever held (it was here, according to some Western scholars, that Deng mentioned Dacron). A more scripted and formal plenum followed it.
明年，这个共和国将庆祝其60岁生日（根据儒家传统，60周年有特别重大意义）。因此，改革开放已历经中国共产党的半生，但官员们对进一步改革的展望持谨慎态度。邓小平曾建议在2050年前直选国家领导人，但现在没人提及此事。在经济方面，巨大的经济挑战正在逼近，而人口老龄化和遭受严重破坏的自然环境也都可能拉低经济增长。
Next year the country will mark its 60th birthday as a people's republic (in Confucian tradition, 60th birthdays are particularly significant). Reform and opening has thus taken up half of China's communist life. But officials are being careful to manage expectations of further change. Deng once suggested that direct elections to national leadership posts could be held by 2050. No one mentions that now. On the economic side huge challenges loom, among them an ageing population and a blighted environment, both of which could drag down growth.
1997年去世的邓小平现在常被描述为改革开放的总设计师，好像过去30年的巨大变化都是他一手描绘的一样。而他则更准确地将自己的方式描述为"摸着石头过河"，因为改革的终极目标一直都不清楚。1992年，"社会主义市场经济"开始成为目标，但官员们又总在努力解释这与真正的市场经济有何不同。当年，邓小平宣布该党的"基本路线"（一党统治下，党对改革开放的解释）一百年不动摇，这暗示着还有更多的石头要摸。
Deng, who died in 1997, is often described as the chief architect of reform, as if the sweeping changes of the past 30 years were mapped out by him. He himself more accurately described his approach as "crossing a river by feeling the stones". The ultimate objective has never been clear. Since 1992 it has been to set up a "socialist market economy", but officials struggle to explain how this differs from a real one. Deng announced that year that the party's "basic line" (party-speak for reform and opening under one-party rule) would not change for 100 years. This implies a lot more stone-groping.
党的领导人对这个含混不清的解释洋洋得意。这让他们在政策制定上有了灵活性，也让他们在派系斗争时更易于做出妥协。中国在过去30年里最重要的政治变化之一就是远离毛泽东时代残酷的派系冲突，这个趋势在80年代坚持得很好，但也激起了1989年要求民主化的动乱。2002年，中国共产党历史上第一次实现了权力从一代领导人到另一代领导人的平稳交接，没有出现杀戮或大清洗。新一代领导人同样表达了追求改革的承诺，但行事更加左翼化。
Party leaders revel in this obscurity. It gives them flexibility in policymaking and makes it easier for them to forge compromises between factions. One of the most important political changes in China over the past 30 years has been a move away from the vicious factional strife of the Maoist era, a tendency that persisted well into the 1980s and fuelled the pro-democracy upheaval of 1989. In 2002, for the first time in China's communist history, power was smoothly transferred from one set of leaders to another without killings or purgings. The new leaders express the same commitment to reform, but have a more left-wing agenda.
对该党某些历史的盖棺定论也帮助他们减少了公众的政改要求。改革本身的历史被清理和简化，以减少公众对领导人动机与行动的质疑。比如，当年党会的一个重要的背景事件——民主墙（天安门广场西边一个公交车站前的1堵200米长的砖墙）没有被提到。很多公民都在1978-79年冬天里非凡的4个月里在该墙上张贴要求自由和民主的海报，直到邓小平关闭它并将很多活动家投入牢狱。该区域现在是一处购物广场的大厦。
Papering over some of the party's history has helped them too, damping public demands for political change. The history of the reform programme itself has been sanitised and simplified in order to minimise public questioning of leaders' motives and actions. No mention is made, for example, of a vital part of the background to the party meetings, Democracy Wall—a 200-metre-long brick structure in front of a bus depot west of Tiananmen Square. For a remarkable four months in the winter of 1978-79, until Deng decided to shut it down and jail some of its activists, citizens plastered the wall with posters calling for freedom and democracy. The area is now a plaza flanked by shopping malls.
喜欢鼓吹死后英雄的党的官员们反复揉捏着历史，暗示30年前的会议吹响了改革开放的号角，但他们错了。1976年毛泽东死后，当时更多的是偷偷摸摸地抛掉毛泽东思想。关于重建经济的重心转变，在那次会议之前就已经长期存在了。受与苏联关系恶化的影响，在毛泽东去世的很多年前，中国就开始与西方政治关系的正常化（"对外开放"的一项重要内容）了。
Party officials, preferring their heroes to be larger than life, have massaged history to imply that the meetings 30 years ago were a clarion call for reform and opening. They were not. The dismantling of the Maoist edifice after the Chairman's death in 1976 began more by stealth. A shift of emphasis towards rebuilding the economy was already under way long before the meetings began. Political rapprochement with the West—a key part of the "opening"—began several years before Mao's death, driven by a shared dislike of the Soviet Union.
The rule of prudence
1978年12月22日，两次会议结束时发布的公报上甚至都没有出现"开放"一词，"改革"也仅仅提到过一次。第二年，领导人们通过并公布的一份农业问题政策草案特别排斥这种思想，但现在却被视为中国农村改革（农民自己承包农村土地）的标志。与此形成反差的是，毛泽东灾难性的"人民公社"却大受赞扬。邓小平改革思想的胜利始终伴随着妥协，直到今天依然如此。
The word "opening" did not even appear in the communiqué issued on December 22nd 1978, at the end of the two meetings. "Reform" was mentioned only once. A draft policy document on agriculture adopted by the leaders and promulgated the next year specifically rejected the idea, now considered a hallmark of China's rural reforms, of contracting out rural land to peasants to farm by themselves. By contrast, Mao's disastrous "people's communes" were praised. Deng's reformist victory was suffused with compromise, a pattern that persists to this day.
中国的一些媒体现在经常将"北京共识"说成是秉持自由经济的"华盛顿共识"（最近看上去不可信了）的一种替代性思想。中国国营的新华通讯社最近说北京共识意味着"在市场改革中保持谨慎态度"。邓确实很谨慎，他知道给毛泽东主义者面子的重要性，甚至要通过加强权力和允许试验的方式带来毛主义者不喜欢的一些变化。1978年末，当党在北京开会的时候，中部的安徽省开始了农村改革。一个公社里的农民秘密地开始承包土地，甚至还做好了为此送命的准备。但这种做法很快得到了该省领导人万里的支持，万同时也是邓的支持者。其他地区也逐渐仿效这种做法。在1984年正式被取消前，人民公社在绝大部分地区已经名存实亡。
Some in the Chinese media now talk of a "Beijing consensus" as an alternative philosophy to the "Washington consensus" of liberal economics that lately seems so discredited. China's state-run news agency, Xinhua, recently said the Beijing consensus meant "prudence in market reforms". Deng was certainly prudent. He knew the importance of giving the Maoists some face, even as he consolidated his grip on power and allowed experiments to be carried out with precisely the kinds of changes the Maoists disliked. Rural reforms began in late 1978 in the central province of Anhui even as the party was holding its meetings in Beijing. Peasants in one commune there secretly started parcelling out land, expecting death for it, but soon gained backing from a provincial leader and Deng ally, Wan Li. Others gradually followed suit. By the time communes were formally dismantled in 1984, most had long disappeared in all but name.
政府自身也在谨慎小心地避免将"北京共识"作为西方资本主义的替代方案。它非常担心对其图谋挑战美国实力和改变世界秩序的指责。事实上，正是美国人乔舒亚·库珀·雷莫2004年在英国智库——外交政策中心的小手册上发表的文章使这个词汇得以流行。"中国现在所发生的"，他说，"并不仅仅是适用中国的模式，也开始重塑整个国际发展、经济、社会、并延伸至政治领域的图景了。"
Prudently, too, the government itself avoids pushing the idea of a "Beijing consensus" as an alternative to Western capitalism. It is fearful of accusations that it harbours plans to challenge American power and change the world order. It was actually an American, Joshua Cooper Ramo, who helped the phrase gain currency in 2004 with the publication of an enthusiastic pamphlet for the Foreign Policy Centre, a British think-tank. "What is happening in China at the moment", Mr Ramo wrote, "is not only a model for China, but has begun to remake the whole landscape of international development, economics, society and, by extension, politics."
至少在改革的前半段时期，没有人对改革有如此自信。今日不断增长的城市天际线主要是过去15年快速增长的成果，那些增长也主要是强硬自由式经济的成果，而非任何有魔力的中国式风格。过去30年影响最深远的两项改革——放弃数万家国有企业和城市住房私有化——直到90年代末才开始启动。伴随着企业的关闭，数百万人的下岗引发了大规模的阵痛（不是一点点抗议）。
For at least the first half of the reform period, few were so confident. Today's soaring city skylines are mainly the product of rapid growth in the past 15 years. And much of that growth is a product of hard-nosed liberal economics rather than any magic Chinese touch. Two of the most far-reaching reforms of the past 30 years—the dismantling of tens of thousands of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and the privatisation of urban housing—did not take off until the late 1990s. In the case of enterprise closures, massive suffering (and not a little protest) was involved as millions were left unemployed.
80年代末要求民主化的动乱，在推动中国资本主义方面发挥了比任何官员或中国原定渐进方式的仰慕者都更重要的作用。中国的抗议被残忍镇压下去了，但他们——以及其他地区共产主义的垮台——也引起了中国领导人之间对改革方向的激烈争论。有些人称计划经济和牢密的社会控制对于这个政权的生存是必要的，另一些人则称正是这些刻板的策略导致了骚动。最终，邓小平决定彻底放弃毛泽东主义。1992年，他从隐退之中冒出来，制止了争吵，为中国设定了迈向市场经济的道路。紧随其后的就是经济的大繁荣。
Pro-democracy unrest in the late 1980s played a far bigger role in turning China capitalist than either officials, or admirers of China's supposed gradualist approach, suggest. The protests in China were ruthlessly crushed, but they—and the collapse of communism elsewhere—triggered fierce debate among Chinese leaders about the direction of reform. Some argued that a planned economy and tight social control were essential to the regime's survival. Others said the tumult had been fuelled by precisely these strategies. Deng, at long last, decided Maoism should be dealt a decisive blow. He emerged from retirement in 1992 to put a stop to the bickering and set China on a decisive path towards a market economy. The boom was instantaneous.
1978年，邓并没有什么清晰的想法。他敏锐地了解到民意，但并没有什么宏大的眼光。80年代被消耗在领导人斗争上。因在1989年同情抗议者而被关押的中共中央前委员鲍彤说，在30年前的会议上，邓原计划仅仅是希望就集中精力发展经济的必要性达成共识，改革开放并不在议事日程里。当时，50年代末的大跃进和66年到毛泽东去世时期的文化大革命都对经济造成了严重破坏。
In 1978 Deng showed no such clarity of thought. He astutely read the tea-leaves of public opinion but had no grand vision. The 1980s were consumed by leadership struggles. Bao Tong, a former member of the party's Central Committee who was jailed for sympathising with the protesters in 1989, says Deng's original plan for the meetings 30 years ago was no more than to produce a consensus on the need to focus on the economy, then in tatters after the ravages of the Great Leap Forward in the late 1950s and the Cultural Revolution from 1966 until Mao's death. Reform and opening was not even on his agenda.
但会议的进展并不如预期一样。邓头些天正在外国访问，他回来后发现议题转到毛时代遭迫害的领导人政治遭遇问题上。代表们要求平反那些遭到整肃的同僚和重新评价1976年天安门事件，那件发生在毛泽东去世前几个月的事件曾被定性为"反革命"。对普通中国人来说，在工作会议期间，北京党委宣布天安门事件"完全是革命行为"的决定标志着该年最重要的一个转变——除了邓小平及其支持者对于经济问题的言论。
But the meetings did not proceed as expected. Deng, who was away on a foreign tour for the first few days, came back to find that discussions had been taken over by festering political grievances aired by leaders who had suffered under Mao. Delegates demanded the rehabilitation of purged colleagues and a re-evaluation of protests in Tiananmen Square in 1976, a few months before Mao's death, which had been declared "counter-revolutionary". For ordinary Chinese, it was the Beijing party committee's decision, while the work conference was under way, to declare the Tiananmen protests "entirely revolutionary" that signalled the biggest change that year—not anything Deng or his allies said about the economy.
Voices from below
党试图在此事上保持光鲜的形象。明年的6月4日是1989年镇压另一个著名的天安门抗议（可能有数千人死于此次镇压）的20周年纪念日。当官员们在庆祝改革30岁生日的时候，他们不希望有人提议重新评价1989年的动乱。如果那样做，他们将会面对更多压力。现在，天安门的血已经成为遥远的记忆了。
The party likes to gloss over this. June 4th next year will be the 20th anniversary of the crushing of Tiananmen's more famous protests, in 1989, in which thousands may have died. As they celebrate reform's 30th birthday, officials do not want to suggest that any re-evaluation of the 1989 unrest may one day be possible. Not that they are likely to face much pressure to do so. The bloodshed is a distant memory now.
但舆论继续在影响中国改革的进程。中国的自由主义经济学家抱怨说这个国家还远远没达到他们所说的市场经济标准。货币不完全可兑换，导致资本流入流出也受到控制，包括电、油和水在内的一些商品价格也是如此。政府在1月份对一些食品的价格设置了新的管制，本月又解除了管制。目前，非国有企业生产了该国制造业总产量的2/3，但国企控制了银行、电信、能源、传媒等关键部门。2001年至2006年，尽管国有企业的数量从37万下降至12万，但政府仍掌控1.3万亿的资产。还有许多更多的（私有化）工作要做。
But public opinion continues to shape the progress of China's reforms. Liberal Chinese economists complain that the country still falls well short of what they would call a market economy. The currency is not fully convertible, so capital flows in and out of the country are controlled. So too, still, are some prices, including those of electricity, fuel and water. In January the government imposed new controls on some food prices. It lifted them again this month. Non-state-owned enterprises are now producing two-thirds of China's manufacturing output, but SOEs dominate key sectors such as banking, telecoms, energy and the media. Between 2001 and 2006 the number of SOEs fell from 370,000 to 120,000, but this still left assets worth $1.3 trillion in state control. There is much more work to do.
但是，不同于其前任的所为，目前由国家主席胡锦涛和总理温家宝领衔的这代领导人，对于公众对痛苦转型的反应更加担忧。他们有理由谨慎。90年代末，大约有3000万工人在国企改革中下岗。位于香港的一家NGO——中国劳动公报，在其9月份的报告中说，由于普遍的腐败和缺乏清晰的政策方针，数百万下岗工业几乎无法养家糊口。高举建设"和谐社会"和"以人为本"口号的胡温希望传递出这样一种印象：他们这是更富关怀精神的资本主义。他们认为，要避免公众的激烈反应就要改变方针。
But the present set of leaders headed by President Hu and the prime minister, Wen Jiabao, worry more than their predecessors did about public reaction to painful restructuring. They have reason to be cautious. In the late 1990s around 30m workers were laid off as a result of SOE reform. China Labour Bulletin, an NGO based in Hong Kong, said in a September report that millions of these workers were left barely able to support their families, thanks to widespread corruption and a lack of clear policy guidelines. Messrs Hu and Wen, with their signature slogans of building a "harmonious society" and "putting people first", want to give the impression that theirs is a more caring kind of capitalism. A change of tack, they feel, is necessary to avert a public backlash.
改革的刹车始于2004年。该年，香港学者兼中国电视评论员郎咸平吸引了公众关注国企收购（当时一种私有化的常见方式）管理过程中的资产流失问题，这引起了许多认为工厂老板（实际上是官员）在这些收购中获利惊人、而工人却毫无所得的中国人的共鸣。官方回应之举就是暂停这种做法。两年后，为制止他继续煽动公众，郎的电视节目被取消。
Brakes began to be applied in 2004 after Larry Lang, a Hong Kong-based scholar and popular TV commentator in China, drew attention to asset-stripping during management buy-outs of SOEs, then a common form of privatisation. This struck a chord with many Chinese, who felt that factory bosses (officials, in effect) were getting fabulously rich as a result of such buy-outs, while workers were getting next to nothing. Officials responded by suspending the practice. Two years later, to stop him riling the public even more, they cancelled Mr Lang's TV show.
在80年代帮助起草中国首部破产法、现在经营一家破产咨询公司的经济学家曹思源说，大型国企的私有化现在都停止了。他还说，为了在政府认为战略性（一个可以随意解读的术语）的部门给予国企优先地位，80年代鼓励私人进入所有竞争性行业的那种谈判现在已经遭放弃了。曹先生希望今年大约有3000家公司（其中大部分是国企）通过正式的破产程序，而去年有3200家。具有破产资格的企业数字比这多10倍，并且仍在上升，但地方官员为了保护政府的名誉而阻止国企进入破产程序。
Cao Siyuan, an economist who helped draft China's first bankruptcy law in the 1980s and now runs a bankruptcy consultancy, says the privatisation of larger SOEs has now all but ceased. Talk in the 1980s of encouraging private involvement in all competitive industries, he says, has been abandoned in favour of giving SOEs privileged positions in sectors the government regards as strategic (a term liberally interpreted). Mr Cao expects about 3,000 firms, most of them SOEs, to go through formal bankruptcy proceedings this year compared with 3,200 last year. The numbers that qualify for bankruptcy are ten times higher and rising, he says, but local officials are blocking SOEs from applying in order to preserve government reputations.
The lagging land
对于废除人民公社和农业产量此后的大增（虽然也得益于支付给农民的价钱也在增加），国际社会给予了中国高度赞扬，但跟公社时代相比，农村权力结构没有多少改观。尽管土地已经被承包给个体农户耕作，但它仍然是集体所有。这个制度已经让农民们无法像城里人一样分享过去数年来房地产自由市场快速发展带来的繁荣。
China was highly praised around the world for dismantling the communes and for the big increase in agricultural output that followed (although raising prices paid to peasants for their grain helped, too). But the rural power structure has changed little since commune days. Land remains collectively owned, even though it is leased out to individual households to farm. This system has shut farmers out from the boom that cities have enjoyed as a result of the rapid emergence in the past few years of a free market in property.
十月，胡主席主持了中央委员会全会，曾试图对30年前的会议作出响应，但结果气氛骤降。胡及其同僚仍然十分担心土地制度的任何大改变将会造成农民涌入城市，影响脆弱的社会供给系统。尽管将农民转为城市居民对于维持过去30年的快速增长（1978年以来平均每年10%左右）很重要，但政府希望这个进程保持稳定。现在，农民工可以不公地进入大城市。在SARS爆发的2003年，北京曾连农民工的影子都看不到。8月份的奥运会期间，受官方施以间接压力的影响，许多农民工都离开了。
In October President Hu chaired a Central Committee plenum that was clearly intended to echo the one held 30 years ago. But it proved an anticlimax. Mr Hu and his colleagues remain fearful that any big change in the land system will unleash an avalanche of peasants on cities already struggling with meagre social provision. Although turning peasants into city-dwellers is crucial to maintain the fast growth of the past 30 years (nearly 10% a year on average since 1978), the government wants to keep a firm grip on the process. Migrants are allowed into big cities on sufferance. During the outbreak of SARS in 2003 Beijing was all but emptied of them. Many left in August during the Olympic games, as officials put indirect pressure on them to stay away.
就像邓小平及其继任者江泽民一样，胡锦涛只是口头上说说政治改革的想法。他重复着邓小平虚伪的说辞：没有民主就没有社会主义或社会主义现代化。但一些中国学者已经指出，甚至共产主义越南——其领导人也羡慕中国经济改革的成功——在政治方面做得更好。5月份，杰出的中国经济学家高尚全，在官方刊物《改革内参》发表文章说，"越南的意识形态阻碍比我们少"——他说，对于社会主义或资本主义的内涵没什么争论。6月份，他在另一篇文章中说，仅去年由170人（大部分是前高官）签名的呼吁信指责党在领导中国走向"资本主义复辟"。
Like Deng and like Jiang Zemin who succeeded him, Mr Hu has paid little more than lip service to the idea of political reform. He repeats Deng's disingenuous line that without democracy there can be no socialism or socialist modernisation. But some Chinese scholars have pointed out that even communist Vietnam—whose leaders eye with envy the success of China's economic reforms—has done better on the political side. In an article published in May by an official journal, Reform Internal Reference, Gao Shangquan, a prominent Chinese economist, said that Vietnam had "fewer ideological obstacles than we have"—fewer arguments, he said, over what constitutes socialism and capitalism. In another article in June he noted that only last year a petition signed by 170 people (many of them former senior officials) had accused the party of leading China towards a "capitalist restoration".
胡肯定没打算减弱党的影响力，也没想允许组建反对派。12月10日，为庆祝《世界人权宣言》60周年，大约300名知识分子签署了要求政治自由化的一份不寻常的呼吁信，但当局已经抓捕或调查了一些签名者。胡已经努力（由党拨款）重建党的基层组织，它们曾因国企倒闭和私营部门快速增长而惨遭打击。党的官员已经派遣了数千个小组去说服私企允许建立工会（在中国受党控制）和党小组。
Mr Hu certainly has no plans to weaken the party's influence, much less to allow opposition to organise. The authorities have detained or questioned several signatories to an unusually bold call for political liberalisation issued by around 300 intellectuals on December 10th to mark the 60th anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights. And Mr Hu has devoted considerable effort (and the party considerable funds) to rebuilding the party's grassroots organisation, which was dealt a body-blow by the closure of state-owned enterprises and the rapid growth of the private sector. Party officials have sent thousands of teams to persuade private firms to allow the establishment of trade unions (which in China are controlled by the party) as well as party cells.
他们的努力遭到了一些抵制，抵制不仅仅来自外资企业。在中国有大约100个大卖场的美国零售商沃尔玛就特别难对付。2006年，在其南京公司（勉强）同意组建分支工会后，党的官员曾多次安排与沃尔玛代表的会谈。听命于工会首长王兆国的官员还要求组建一个党小组。在400多名工人中，只能找到6名党员，而他们并不认为沃尔玛需要党小组。但公司还是屈从了，其他公司也跟着遵照了。截至2006年底，超过2/3的大型非国有企业组建了党小组。
Their efforts have met some resistance, not least from foreign-invested enterprises. Wal-Mart, an American retail chain with around 100 superstores in China, was especially stubborn. Repeated meetings were arranged by party officials with Wal-Mart representatives in the eastern city of Nanjing in 2006 after the firm's (reluctant) decision to allow a union branch. The officials, on instructions from the trade-union chief, Wang Zhaoguo, demanded a party cell too. Only six party members could be found in a workforce of more than 400, and those six did not feel a cell within Wal-Mart was needed. But the company succumbed, and others have followed. By the end of 2006, party cells had been established in more than two-thirds of larger non-state enterprises.
今年早些时候，一些官方报纸发表了要求新一轮"解放思想"的诉求，一些中国学者公开呼吁关注政治问题的新阶段改革。但一些危机阻碍了这个进程——3月的西藏骚乱，5月导致数万人死亡的地震——甚至奥运会期间，当局试图镇压异议也产生了负面影响。现在，中国官员对于在经济受全球危机影响时发生骚乱的可能性感到忧虑。民主人士们必须等待。
Early this year, some official newspapers published calls for a new round of "thought liberation". Some Chinese scholars openly appealed for a new phase of reform focusing more on politics. But crises intervened—upheaval in Tibet in March, an earthquake in May that killed tens of thousands—and so, too, did the deadening impact of the Olympic games, during which the authorities tried to suppress any hint of dissent. Now Chinese officials fret about the possibility of growing unrest as the economy suffers the impact of the global crisis. Democrats must wait.
http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displayStory.cfm?story_id=12758848&source=hptextfeature
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William Schue
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